Gynecomastia :: science

Gynecomastia Definition Gynecomastia is a common disease of the male breast where there is a benign glandular enlargement of that breast at some time in the male's life. It usually consists of the appearance of a flat pad of glandular tissue beneath a nipple which becomes tender at the same time. The development may be unilateral or bilateral. There is rarely a continued growth of the breast tissue; ordinarily the process is of brief duration and stops short of the production of permanent enlargement of the breast. Causes A great number of patients who suffer from this disease have a disturbance in the proper ratio of androgen and estrogen levels. The normal ratio of the two hormones in plasma is approximately 100:1. "The etiology of gynecomastia in patients with a known documented cause appears to be related to increased estrogen stimulation, decreased testosterone levels, or some alteration of the estrogens and androgen so that the androgen-estrogen ratio is decreased"(Williams 373). From this information it was discovered that there is also a lower ratio of weaker adrenal androgens (delta 4-androstenedione and dehydroepiandrosterone) found in youths with this disease. It was once believed that there was an imbalance in the ratios of testosterone to estrogen or estradiol, but this is now know to be untrue. There are three areas the can be attributed to the cause of gynecomastia: physiologic, pathologic and pharmacologic. "Enlargement of the male breast can be a normal physiologic phenomenon at certain stages of life or the result of several pathologic states."(Isselbacher, 2037) In the case of physiologic gynecomastia the disease can occur in a newborn baby, at puberty or at any time in a man's life. In the newborn, transient enlargement of the breast is due to the action of maternal and/or placental estrogens. The enlargement usually disappears within a few weeks. Adolescent gynecomastia is common during puberty with the onset at the median age of 14. It is often asymmetrical and frequently tender. It regresses so that by the age of 20 only a small number of men have palpable vestiges of gynecomastia in one or both the breasts. Gynecomastia of aging also occurs in otherwise healthy men. Forty percent or more of aged men have gynecomastia. One explanation is the increase in age in the conversion of androgens to estrogens in extra- glandular tissues. Drug therapy and abnormal liver functioning can also be causes of gynecomastia in older men.

A Separate Peace Essay -- essays research papers

A Separate Peace Dealing with enemies has been a problem since the beginning of time. â€Å"I never killed anybody,† Gene had commented later in his life, â€Å"And I never developed an intense level of hatred for the enemy. Because my war ended before I ever put on a uniform, I was on active duty all my time at Devon; I killed my enemy there.† In A Separate Peace, by John Knowles, the value of dealing with enemies is shown by Gene, who was dealing with few human enemies, but his emotions created far greater rivals than any human could ever posses. One of the enemies that Gene created for himself was jealousy. Gene was jealous of everything about Finny. The openness which Finny possessed was one of these things which Gene envied. One incident of Finny’s openness was when he wore the pink shirt. By wearing this he was â€Å"symbolizing the first U.S. bombing in Europe.† Gene simply replied to the shirt by calling Finny â€Å"nuts,† but deep down inside Gene was jealous of Finny’s boldness. Another incident of Finny’s openness, or boldness is when he wore the school tie as a belt. Gene was anxiously waiting for Finny to get yelled at, but because of his openness he was able to talk his way out of getting into trouble. Finny claimed that he wore the tie as a belt because it represented â€Å"Devon in the War.† Again, Gene was envious of Finny’s openness to make up a story and â€Å"get away with everything.† Another one of Gene’s enemies is his anger. Alone, his anger is mild, but when mixed with his je...

Othello :: essays research papers

'Othello is a study into the potency of evil' Discuss this view of the play, paying careful attention to Iago's motives and destructive achievements (you should concerntrate on Act III Scene III though you will have to relate it to other parts of the play). Potent in its literal sense means powerful. This essay therefore is based on a statement saying that the play is a study into the power of evil. Evil is conveyed in many different ways in Othello, but they all seem to radiate from Iago. Therefore it would only be appropriate if I did a study into the evil of Iago, and how it affects everything and everybody in the play. Shakespeare conveys Iago's evil in many ways throughout Othello, and shows the methods that Iago uses in order to make Othello trust him. These methods obviously work, shown by the fact that he is repeatedly called honest; I will be commenting on these throughout my essay. He is much like the character 'Vice' from 'miracle plays' of the 16 and 17th Century that tell the audience what their plan is, and so they all become fellow conspirators in a way. This was done well in the production I saw in Manchester, as the actor playing Iago was good and convincing at talking to the crowd and making us realise that it is the enemy within we should fear most. Some people could argue that Iago was extremely lucky to have all the opportunities put in front of him, such as Emilia finding Othello's handkerchief. I, however believe that whatever the situation, Iago would be able to take the situation, and therefore Othello's downfall was imminent. An example of this would be in Act III, Scene III. Iago says, 'Look to your wife; observe her well with Casio,' which is taking advantage of knowing that Desdemona will try to defend Cassio and seem to be in love with him. In adapting to new situations, Iago uses people's strengths and weaknesses, also like in the extract above. This is a sign of his evil, reversing good things and making them bad. Over the course of Act III, Scene III, Iago turns Othello into the same kind of evil person he is. It is almost like a possessive type of evil, like in the old morality or 'miracle' plays I mentioned in a previous paragraph. One of the ways the audience can tell what state of mind Othello is in, and how much Iago's ego has influenced him, is by the his of language.

Prisoners of war comparison

A prisoner of war can be defined as somebody who is captured or imprisoned by the enemy during an act of war. Anybody can be a prisoner of war, even an eight year old civilian who is simply caught in the crossfire. Both â€Å"Augmentation Boy†, a novel written by Anna Pepper, and â€Å"The Boy in the Striped Pajamas†, a film directed by Mark Herman, revolve around two key issues relating to the main theme of Prisoners of War. The Issues are Innocence of Children and Discrimination. All of the three main characters (Khalid's, Bruno and Samuel) are affected by the war, some more than there, and two of which lose their lives due to It.The Issue of Discrimination Is an ongoing problem In today's society. It Is explored In both texts through the unjust treatment of the characters due to their race, gender, religion or other characteristics. Delimitation Is shown against prisoners, regardless where or why they are currently being held captive. This has been thoroughly explore d in both ‘The Boy In the striped Pajamas' and ‘Augmentation Boy. In the novel, Khalid's is asked what other international cities he was planning on bombing? (P. G. 01 ) It shows how the protagonist was accused of being a terrorist due to his middle-eastern origin.Even though he is innocent, his captors do not believe him because of his physical appearance. This issue has also been explored in The Boy in the Striped Pajamas'. A prime example of this is the comparison between Bruno and Samuel, the first time they meet. There is an eye-level long shot of Bruno with lush forest as a backdrop. In contrast, there is a high angle, medium length shot of Samuel sitting in the dirt with the barbed wire fence obscuring his face. This is significant in that Bruno is portrayed as the dominant and well to do character with Samuel as the poor Jew.Although both Samuel and Khalid's are discriminated against, it is not for the same reason for both of the boys. Presumptions are made about Samuel because of his Jewish faith and Khalid's is falsely accused of crimes he did not commit because of his Arabic background. It is a stereotypical view of races and their abilities to commit crimes. A second issue which is prominent in both texts is Innocence of Children. It is shown In the novel on pages 195 and 196 â€Å"Imagine playing spin the bottle mixed with Images of small children being blown up. This quote Is representative of the fact that Khalid's finds it difficult to remember things about his past without having them disrupted by graphic visions due to the penitentiary that Is Augmentation Bay. The true effects of the unjust and Inhuman treatment of Khalid's were not shown when he was being tortured, but more so later on In the form of nightmares and Invasions of his memories. The small children being blown up were used by the author to show hat the child Inside Khalid's has also been ‘blown up' and he Is forced to mature and adapt to survive, losing his ch ildhood Innocence along the way.In The boy In the Striped Pajamas', Samuel also loses his Innocence, as being In the camp and treated as an adult forces him to grow up and do whatever he can to survive Just Like Khalid's into the gas chamber for a shower. Both young boys believed that it was actually a shower, Bruno more than Samuel, but the men all knew the truth. Bruno in innocent his whole life, right up until he dies. A prime example of this issue in the text is after Bruno sneaks in to the Jewish camp and thinks that they are being put undercover to wait for the rain to stop.There is a slightly high angle medium shot when this is stated by Bruno, who then receives a surprised look from Samuel. Consequently, it can be seen that both The Boy in the Striped Pajamas and Augmentation Bay have a direct correlation to both issues of Discrimination and Innocence of Children. The study of both texts conveyed similar key themes to the audience, in a similar manner. Although two different types of texts, the novel and elm use emotive language and camera angles to assist in getting across their message.The purpose of both texts was to educate the reader of the horrific treatment that children were and are forced to endure in their respective prisons as a prisoner of war. Prisoners of war can be innocents. Regardless of intent, civilians (including children) often are the unwitting casualties simply because they are in the wrong place at the wrong time. During war time, soldiers follow orders. When under threat or fear of threat, authorities take drastic action. Even if an innocent is caught in the crossfire.

Character Analysis Mr.Marks

Character Analysis Form Actor’s Name: Philip John Play: Intimate Apparel by Lynn Nottage Character: Mr. Marks Physical Traits Sex ?Mr. Marks is a Romanian Orthodox Jewish male immigrant. Age ?Mr. Marks is in his thirties Health ?Mr. Marks has somewhat of a fear of being left alone, he panics when he sees a loyal customer go to another person for fabric and turns to alcohol (tonic) for comfort. Clothing ?Mr. Marks always wears a black suit with a missing button. He wears it because of religious beliefs, it reminds him that every day he lives for God and his ancestors. General Appearance Mr. Marks is a mix of everything he is somewhat sloppy and unorganized because he rolled right out of bed when Esther walked in and left his bedroll right there (he most likely didn’t get a chance to brush his teeth), he is also looks kind of formal since he always has a black suit on due to religious reasons but it also is missing a button that he refuses to fix for the longest time Mann erisms ?Mr. Marks quickly removes his hands away from Esther because it is against his religion to have physical contact with a woman who is unrelated or not married to him Social TraitsClass ?Mr. Marks is a part of the working middle class because he is a fabric dealer and so he has enough money to run that but he also gets really worried when he hasn’t seen Miss Mills fearing she had went to his competitor. Occupation ?Mr. Marks is a fabric dealer and seems very passionate about it. He is always very excited to show Esther his collection and offers only the finest fabrics. Finances ?Along with class, I think that Mr. Marks lives a comfortable life nothing over the top but enough to be financially stable without having to worry about sleeping in a shoebox. Read also: â€Å"Stand and Deliver Character Analysis†Home Life ?Mr. Marks lives by himself but is engaged to a woman who resides in Romania and has never met her Intelligence ?Mr. Marks is very religious and knowledgeable within his profession of the finest fabrics and best quality products. He also knows how to make his flirtations subtle and enough to get the message across without interfering with his religion views Nationality ?Mr. Marks is Romanian and he seems slightly self-conscious about it, for instance when Esther asked him about his wife and he said his fiancee is in Romania Place in Community Mr. Marks is a local fabric dealer Amusements ?Mr. Marks enjoys representing his ancestry and his religious background by wearing his signature black coat. He also enjoys drinking tea amongst selling fabrics of all kinds. Psychological Traits Moral Standards ?Mr. Marks believes that a woman should not touch a man’s hand if they are not married or related to each other. He also does not remove his black suit for sake of tradition and religion. Religion ?Mr. Marks is Romanian Orthodox Jewish Ambitions ?Mr.Marks is attracted to Esther and wants to be able to express that physically however the barrier of his religion intervenes and prevents that relationship to evolve. He overcomes his tradition of wearing only black and puts on a jacket Esther made especially for him. Disappointments ?When Mr. Marks found out that Esther was getting married he was shocked and tried to hide it by offering her his best quality fabric and told her that no one deserves it more then her. He was most certainly upset about this though Concerns ?Mr.Marks gets worried that he will lose Esther to his competitor that is giving away complimentary thread. Abilities ?While Mr. Marks yearns to be with Esther he sets his feelings aside because it is against his morals and he wishes her the best and offers her the finest clothes. He tries his best to hint his emotions towards her b y putting on the new jacket and similar things. Qualities ?Mr. Marks always trying to do his best to make Esther the happiest she can be he compliments her smile all the time and gets content when he sees her happy.

Increasing Porosity in Public Spaces

Introduction The connexion between the built and the unbuilt / between the â€Å"indoor† and the â€Å"outdoor†/ between the mass and the nothingness is a really sensitive and problematic subject. The experience of a infinite can be badly affected by the ways its borders are treated, i.e. by commanding how a individual enters/exits the infinite. Transitional experience plays a critical function in overall feel and experience of infinites. Different types of infinites require different types of interventions on their border conditions. A metropolis needs to be imagined as a infinite occupied by diverse sets of people with diverse demands and aspirations. The quality of a metropolis has to be judged by what it offers to its occupants – the right to populate, travel about and work with self-respect and safety. Porosity is one of the many steering factors in planing a infinite, specially public topographic points, which are the cardinal strategic infinites in supplying the area/city its character. Not merely does careful design of such infinites increase the aesthetic quality of the topographic point, but besides plays a major function in increasing the criterions of functionality, safety, quality and many such factors under which a metropolis can be categorised. Porosity, is one spacial quality that can decidedly profit the public infinites, specially in topographic points like Delhi, where the person is acquiring isolated from the community in his attempts to get by up with the gait of life that the metropolis has to offer. Besides, with the increasing spread between the two utmost income groups of the metropolis, the infinites, which are meant to be ‘public’ , cater merely to a certain subdivision of the society, pretermiting those which fail to carry through the ‘entrant requirements’ . Apart from giving infinites back to all the subdivisions of the society, increasing porousness in community infinites can besides move as a step against increasing offense rates in the metropolis, as it opens up the infinite to a larger subdivision of the society. Subject: Porosity in public infinites Research Question: How can porosity in public infinites be increased to heighten their public-service corporation for the society in general? Public Spaces Public infinites are an inevitable constituent of human colonies. Parks, place, roads, beaches, etc are typically considered public infinites. They are the common land for people to interact with others, portion cognition or goods, or carry out their day-to-day rites, be it day-to-day modus operandi or occasional celebrations. By definition, they are infinites that should be accessible to all the members of the society, irrespective of their economic strength. It was stated that: Sing the standard of entree, public infinite is a topographic point which is unfastened to all. This means its resources, the activities that take topographic point in it, and information about it are available to everybody. Refering the standard of bureau, public infinite is a topographic point controlled by â€Å" public histrions † ( i.e. , agents or bureaus that act on behalf of a community, metropolis, commonwealth or province ) and used by â€Å" the populace † ( i.e. , the people in general ) . As for involvement, public infinite is a topographic point which serves the public involvement ( i.e. , its benefits are controlled and received by all members of the society ) ( Akkar, Z 2005 ) . Of class, these definitions refer to an ideal public infinite, while the urban ambiance is non wholly composed of stiffly public and private infinites ; alternatively, it is an merger of public and private infinites with different grades of publicness. Accepting that the relation between public and private infinite is a continuum, it is possible to specify public infinites as holding assorted grades of publicness. Sing the dimensions of entree, histrion and involvement, the extent of publicness will depend on three classs: the grade to which the populace infinite and its resources, every bit good as the activities happening in it and information about it, are available to all ; the grade to which it is managed and controlled by public histrions and used by the populace ; and the grade to which it serves the public involvement. Life in public infinites, non merely has a map in the society as a whole, but it is besides a rich beginning of single amusement, pleasance and drama. One unfavorable judgment of the predominating socio-functional attack towards urban public infinite can be that the person ‘s position is frequently disregarded. To what extent do metropolis inhabitants like to run into other urbanites in public topographic points? Barely any contriver, designer or urban decision maker seems to be interested in that inquiry. Planners and metropolis councils are eager to talk about public infinites as meeting topographic points. They find it an attractive thought to gestate of public infinites as a consolidative component where all sectors of the urban population meet. With the aid of that image they can show their metropoliss as communities, despite all the contrasts and differences. Most societal scientists covering with urban public infinite besides tend to see procedures that take topographic point in the public kingdom as a part to the societal organisation, as a fulfillment of social demands. This top-down-view, nevertheless, neglects the day-to-day user ‘s position. Do metropolis inhabitants wish to acquire together with all their co-urbanites? Everybody who has of all time been in a metropolis knows the reply: no, surely non with everyone. On the other manus, it can non be denied that at least some persons derive great pleasance from being in populace. Whether a infinite will work good depends on a scope of facets that include graduated table, usage, safety and comfort, denseness and links. In many instances it is the person ‘s experience of walking or dancing down a street, and the quality of environment, that is the most of import component. Design so becomes about maximising pick and seeking to supply for different persons ‘ ends. Mitchell, D ( 1995 ) adds another dimension to public infinite by seting frontward the point that public infinites are besides, and really significantly, infinites for representation. That is, public infinite is a topographic point within which a political motion can interest out the infinite that allows it to be seen. In public infinite, political organisations can stand for themselves to a larger population. By claiming infinite in public, by making public infinites, societal groups themselves become public. Merely in public infinites can the homeless, for illustration, represent themselves as a legitimate portion of â€Å" the public† Public sphere is best imag- ined as the suite of establishments and activities that mediate the dealingss between society and the province ( Howell 1993 ) . Problems with public infinites Despite the revival of involvement in public infinites, urban design and be aftering litera- ture has often hinted at the decreasing â€Å" publicness † of public infinites in modern metropoliss. Some research workers have pointed out the menace of recent denationalization policies, and claimed that public infinites, traditionally unfastened to all sections of the population, are progressively being developed and managed by private bureaus to bring forth net income for the private sector and function the involvements of peculiar subdivisions of the population ( Punter, J 1990 ) . Others have commented on the high grade of control now maintained over entree and usage of public infinites through surveillance cameras and other steps intended to better their security ( Reeve, A 1996 ) . Still others have argued that modern-day public infinites progressively serve a â€Å" homogeneous † public and advance â€Å" societal filtering. † These open-access populace infinites are cherished because they enable metropolis occupants to travel approximately and prosecute in diversion and face-to-face communicating. But, because an open-access infinite is one everyone can come in, public infinites are authoritative sites for â€Å" calamity, † to raise Garrett Hardin ‘s celebrated metaphor for a parks ( H, Garrrett 1968, cited Ellickson, R 1996 ) A infinite that all can come in, nevertheless, is a infinite that each is tempted to mistreat. Societies hence impose rules-of-the-road for public infinites. While these regulations are progressively articulated in legal codifications, most begin as informal norms of public etiquette ( Taylor, R 1984, cited Ellickson, R 1996 ) . Rules of proper street behaviors are non an hindrance to freedom, but a foundation of it ( Ellickson, R 1996 ) Oosterman, J ( 1992 ) , in his diary Play and Entertainment in Urban Public Space: The Example of the Sidewalk Cafe , points out that since 1989, several metropoliss and towns in the Netherlands have invested 1000000s of guldens in the design and redesign of place, streets and Parkss. These designs are besides meant to hold a societal impact. Many treatment Sessionss are held about the nature of societal life in urban public infinite and its map in the greater urban society. This is the instance in arguments among policy-makers and contrivers every bit good as among societal scientists and designers. Although the constructs used in these Sessionss do non ever merit a award for lucidity, some features appear through the haze: urban public topographic points should be accessible, or even democratic topographic points. Other participants in the treatment about public infinite do non portion this belief in the possibilities of altering urban society by altering its public infinites. Richard Sennett ( 1990, p.201 ) for illustration is instead pessimistic in his latest book The Conscience of the Eye. People no longer look to be able to get by with the societal and cultural differences of the modern metropolis. They maintain their web of personal dealingss within physically and visibly segregated societal universes: ‘sealed communities ‘ as he calls them. Harmonizing to Sennett, urban public infinites can non bridge the spread between those universes, even though they are supposed to make so. Today one can non open a book about public infinite design without coming across a image of either the Piazza San Marco in Venice or the Campo in Siena: two attractively designed place mentioning to the romantic ideal of free, accessible public infinite, where everybody meets anybody. Comparing their idealistic theoretical account of a ‘real ‘ public infinite with the modern-day metropolis makes writers like Habermas and Sennett instead pessimistic about modern-day urban civilization. The metropolis ‘s urban district is excessively privatized and unaccessible. This pessimism is non surprising. Over clip, the graduated table of society grew, the mobility of the population increased and new agencies of communicating developed and disseminated among the population. These and other conditions led to different claims on urban public infinites Solution? William H. Whyte argues that metropoliss should exercise no controls on â€Å" undesirables, † including mendicants and aggressive flakes. In his words: The biggest individual obstruction to the proviso of better infinites is the undesirables job. They are themselves non excessively much of a job. It is the actions taken to battle them that is the job. â€Å" The people have the right freely to piece together, to confer with for the common good, to do known their sentiments to their representatives and to request for damages of grudges. † In their survey with the Jagori, Kalpana Viswanath and Surabhi Tandon Mehrotra concluded that Women ‘s ability and right to entree and utilize public infinites is dependent on the sorts of boundaries imposed upon them due to nature of the infinite and its use. Therefore holding a assorted use of infinite is more contributing to free and easy entree. Very rigorous districting leads to separation of infinites for life, commercialism and leisure. This increases the likeliness of some infinites being closed to adult females and other vulnerable groups such as kids. For illustration in Delhi, we ( Viswanath, K Mehrotra, S ) found that sellers selling mundane points make a infinite safer, whether in the metro, residential countries or coach Michigans. The local staff of life and egg marketer gave a sense of comfort to adult females who returned place at dark. Similarly sellers provided visible radiation and a crowd around coach Michigans which tend to go progressively empty and dark as it gets subsequently. But this phenomenon of safety provided by the peddlers is non understood by all govt governments. Anjaria, J ( 2006 ) tells the narrative of status of street peddlers in Mumbai. They are often described by civic militants, municipal functionaries and journalists as a â€Å" nuisance † ; and are seen to stand for the pandemonium of the metropolis ‘s streets and the cause of the metropolis ‘s ill-famed congestion. On the other manus, to others they represent an undeserved claim of the hapless on the metropolis ‘s public infinites. This despite the fact that even a casual expression at the metropolis ‘s streets and pathwaies shows that parked, privately-owned autos are by far the metropolis ‘s greatest invaders of public infinite, and the greatest obstructor to the motion of walkers. However. to the self-proclaimed guardians of public infinite, the civic militants and the NGOs set on taking peddlers from the metropolis ‘s streets, these facts a re irrelevant. Vicinity by vicinity, the metropolis ‘s pathwaies must be reconfigured, disorderly pathwaies must be made monofunctional. The offense of the peddler is to belie this dream. And, therefore they have become a â€Å" public nuisance † because, by working on the street, they are engaged in an activity that contradicts the supposed cosmopolitan ideals of the modern public infinite. The inquiry may be how do we convey the ethos of privatized infinite that we have become used to together with the return to more democratic values that many people aspire to for the Millennium? Kath Shonfield in her recent part to the Demos series on the ‘Richness of Cities ‘ ( Shonfield, 1998 ) focuses on public infinite and what she calls the new urbanity. She promotes the ‘urban right to roll ‘ and suggests alteration to urban policy that would include urban rights to entree, widening public entree as a rule of new developments, and re sing the thought of the arcade as an urban design theoretical account to be explored. ( cited Jon, R 1999 ) In order to determine the design, size and signifier of public infinites in town Centres, it is necessary to understand their functions and maps. Public infinites in town Centres can be classified in two wide classs: links and nodes. Linkss are roads, pavings or pedestrianized countries which constitute paths leting motion between land utilizations and attractive forces. Nodes are transverse roads where a figure of links meet in the signifier of public infinites such as market squares or place. There have been different theoretical accounts of gender witting planning adopted by metropoliss to react to violence against adult females and adult females ‘s fright of force. The â€Å" broken Windowss † attack focuses on zero-tolerance to offense, closed circuit telecastings ( CCTV ) and an exclusionary attack to making safer infinites [ Mitchell, D 2003 ] . This attack criminalises certain sorts of people and behaviour such as cheery work forces. The safer communities theoretical account on the other manus, puts forth a vision of doing public infinites safer through activities, land usage, societal mix and affecting users in planing schemes and enterprises for safer public infinites. These are seen to be more contributing to constructing ownership instead than the top-down attack of the â€Å" broken Windowss † . The safer communities initiatives emphasise â€Å" activity, land usage and societal mix † ( Whitzman, C 2006, cited Viswanath, K and Mehrotr a, S 2007 ) Stavros Stavrides ( 2007 ) says: Alternatively of thought of societal individualities as delimited parts one can see them as interdependent and pass oning countries. In an attempt to depict urban infinite as a procedure instead than a series of physical entities, we can detect patterns that oppose a dominant will to repair spacial significances and utilizations. These patterns mould infinite and make new spacial articulations since they tend to bring forth threshold infinites, those mediate countries that relate instead than divide. Urban porousness may be the consequence of such patterns that perforate a secluding margin, supplying us with an alternate theoretical account to the modern metropolis of urban enclaves. A metropolis of thresholds could therefore stand for the spatial property of a public civilization of reciprocally cognizant, mutualist and involved individualities. Walter Benjamin, in his essay entitled â€Å" Naples, † explored the thought of verve and assortment in the modern metropolis. The porous stones of Naples offered him an image for a city’s public life: â€Å"As porous as this rock is the architecture. Building and action interpenetrate in the courtyards, arcades and stairways† ( Benjamin, W 1985 ) . Porosity seems to depict, in this transition, the manner in which urban infinite is performed in the procedure of being appropriated ( Sennett 1995 ) . It is non that action is contained in infinite. Rather, a rich web of patterns transforms every available infinite into a possible theatre of expressive Acts of the Apostless of brush. A â€Å"passion for improvisation† as Benjamin describes this public behaviour, penetrates and articulates urban infinite, loosening socially programmed correspondences between map and topographic point. Porosity is therefore an indispensable feature of infinite in Naples because life in the metropolis is full of Acts of the Apostless that overflow into each other. Defying any clear limit, infinites are separated and at the same time connected by porous boundaries, through which mundane life takes signifier in reciprocally dependent public public presentations. Therefore, â€Å"just as the life room reappears on the street, with chairs, fireplace and communion table, so, merely much more aloud, the street migrates into the life room† ( Benjamin 1985 ) . Porosity characterizes above all the relationship between private and public infinite, every bit good as the relationship between indoor and out-of-door infinite. For Benjamin porousness is non limited to spacial experience. Urban life is non merely located in infinites that communicate through transitions ( â€Å"pores† ) , but life is performed in a pacing that fails to wholly separate Acts of the Apostless or events. A temporal porousness is experienced while eating in the street, taking a sl eep in a fly-by-night corner, or imbibing a speedy espresso standing in a Neapolitan cafe . It is as if Acts of the Apostless are both detached and connected through temporal transitions that represent the unstable fugitive experience of juncture. Everyday occasions therefore seem to switch and rearrange beat and paths of usage ( de Certeau 1984 ) . merely located in infinites that communicate through transitions ( â€Å"pores† ) , but life is performed in a pacing that fails to wholly separate Acts of the Apostless or events. A temporal porousness is experienced while eating in the street, taking a sleep in a fly-by-night corner, or imbibing a speedy espresso. It is as if Acts of the Apostless are both detached and connected through temporal transitions that represent the unstable fugitive experience of juncture. Everyday occasions therefore seem to switch and rearrange beat and paths of usage ( de Certeau 1984, cited Stavrides, S 2007 ) Harmonizing to Starvides, Porosity may hence be considered an experience of habitation, which articulates urban life while it besides loosens the boundary lines which are erected to continue a rigorous spatial and temporal societal order. Thresholds, therefore play an of import function in happening the drama of connexion and sepration between infinites. A survey of thresholds can assist uncover the existent correspondence and mutuality between spacial individualities. In post-colonial Asiatic metropoliss like Hong Kong similar conditions of urban porousness exist. Hong Kong ‘s urban environment is devoid of the cultural conditions that mark the traditional â€Å" universe metropoliss † of the West. There are no memorable public infinites, no refined residential cloth, and no model memorials to religion, political relations, art, cognition or civilization. â€Å"Urban life in Hong Kong is traditionally additive in signifier. The functions of Parkss, plaza and gardens in Hong Kong take on maps that alteration with the clip of the twenty-four hours. They are by nature multipurpose infinites, festival evidences, concert sites, and jury-rigged athleticss spheres. While these unfastened infinites are to the full utilized in cardinal times, they lack any individuality and are normally wastes and lifeless when non in use.† ( Lu, L 2005 ) 1

Christianization throughout History Essay

Introduction â€Å"Curiosity about life in all of its aspects, I think, is the secret of great creative people†, Leo Burnett once said. I agree, and can proudly say that curiosity is my motive for writing this project. The purpose of this project is pure research. I want to gain knowledge about the subject of my choice and also improve my writing and planning skills. I chose this topic after watching a National Geographic program concerning Mithraism in ancient Rome. I became very curious about Religious customs, Christian in particular. My main form of research was the Internet. I read University studies and encyclopedia articles. Finally I ended up with 3 research questions. I wanted to find out the true origins of the 3 major Christian holidays: Christmas, Easter and Halloween. Where their (sometimes strange) traditions came from, if other cultures celebrated similar holidays in the past and how they came to be the Christian holidays we know today. 1. What are the true origins of Christmas? The dictionary definition of â€Å"Christmas† is: The annual festival of the Christian church commemorating the birth of Jesus. It is basically a feast in which Christians celebrate the birth of Jesus Christ, the most prominent figure in Christian belief, making this their most cherished holiday. Christmas is celebrated on December 25 (or January 7 in eastern orthodox churches, due to incompatibility between the Julian and Gregorian calendars). Popular customs of the holiday include gift-giving, music, church celebrations, a special meal, and decorations like Christmas trees, lights, garlands, mistletoe, nativity scenes, and holly. Today, Christmas is celebrated in many places around the world by Christians and an increasing amount of non-Christians, but few people know the true pagan roots of this holiday. First and foremost, the early Christians did not celebrate the birth of Christ. There were two reasons for it: The first was the simple truth that no one knew the exact day of Christ’s birth. Today, most historians believe, according to the biblical description, that his birth took place around September (approx. six months after Passover). One thing is sure though, that it is very unlikely that Jesus was born in December. The biblical story tells us there were shepherds tending their sheep in the fields that night. This is quite unlikely to have happened during a cold winter. The second reason came further in the church’s development. During the first three hundred years of the religion the church in Rome discouraged celebrating the birth of Christ, not wanting it to seem more like a pagan ritual than a Christian holiday. So why is Christ’s birth celebrated on the 25th of December? The Answer is simple: Christianization, or the conversion of native pagan culture to Christian use. Church officials developed different methods of conversion to Christianity, and the main one was based on the belief that conversions were easier if people were allowed to retain the outward forms of their traditions, while claiming that the traditions were in honor of the Christian God. Basically, the traditions and practices themselves were kept, but the reasoning behind them was altered. Many pagan societies held celebrations around the winter solstice (the shortest day of the year, which occurs between the 21st and the 25th of December) with the prevailing theme being the welcoming of the sun and the joy in the rebirth of the world. There are also many stories of children of wonder being born on or near the winter solstice, like Mithras, Attis, Dionysus or Apollo, who are all savior deities sent in manifestation at the darkest time of the year. The oldest winter solstice celebration known to us took place in ancient Egypt over 4000 years ago. Large parties were held to celebrate the rebirth of the sun god Horus. The held a 12-day festival that mirrored their 12 month calendar, which revolved around Horus. This Egyptian idea of a 12 day celebration was also the first of its kind. Local countries adopted these ideas from the Egyptians (perhaps wanting to share in Egypt’s success). A prominent celebration was the Babylonian â€Å"Zagmuk† honoring the creator-sun god Marduk. The Babylonians believed that while Marduk had created the world peaceful and beautiful he has to battle the monsters of chaos to keep it so. Every year as the weather grows colder the monsters regain their strength and Marduk has to fight them off, but he needs the help of the people. This battle lasted for 12 days and it was the duty of the people to cheer Marduk on and help him win the war. Only then peace would be restored, the earth’s beauty renewed and the people would be safe for another year. As we move east we reach the Persian â€Å"Sacaea†, a celebration honoring the return of the sun. The Sacaea was also celebrated by the Greek in honor of Zeus’s defeat of Kronos and the Titans. These celebrations consisted mainly of feasting, partying and light ing of large bonfires. The Roman holiday season lasted a week and was called Dies Natalis Invicti Solis, the Birth of the Unconquered Sun. It began on the 25th of December with the Saturnalia, the holiday honoring Saturn (the God of agriculture) and ended with the Kalends of January (the roman new year’s), which represented the triumph of life over death. This holiday was celebrated in honor of Sol Invictus (the invincible sun), The official Roman Sun God (whose day of rest was Sunday). Mithraism was also a common cult in the Roman Empire, and many celebrated the birth of Mithras on this date as well. This festival was marked by much feasting, gift giving and merrymaking in general. The Pagans of northern Europe also celebrated the winter solstice, with a festival called â€Å"Yule†. Yule has many names for the different tribes: For the Celts it was â€Å"Nodlaig†, for the Saxons â€Å"Gehul†, and for the Welsh is was â€Å"Hal†. More names were Juul, Oel, Heol and many more. The word Yule is derived from the Norse word Iul, meaning wheel. The wheel was a pagan symbol for the sun and for the cycle of life. The Yule celebration lasted for a number of days and involved feasting, fires, and sacrifices. Bonfires blazed in honor of the sun’s struggle against, and eventual triumph over, the darkness and cold of winter. One of the most prominent symbols of Yule was the evergreen tree. The evergreens seemed to have magic powers enabling them to resist the short and cold days. Evergreen trees would often be brought into home and evergreen boughs were carried as luck totems (especially Holly, which was considered the food of the gods). Sacred ceremonies were held by druids surrounding and worshiping these trees. More traditions included kissing under the mistletoe (a fertility ritual) and gift giving. Even the idea of Santa Clause can be found in many Yule celebrations. The Pagans viewed these celebrations of the return of the sun as the fact that good will prevail over evil, which made it easy to adapt them to Christianity, seeing how Jesus was born to save the world (according to the belief). Jesus has often been referred to as the â€Å"light of the world† and it only seemed fitting that his birth would be celebrated with the rebirth of the sun. So, in the year 350, Pope Julius the first and the roman emperor Constantine declared that Christ’s birth would be celebrated on December 25. There is little doubt that he was trying to make it as painless as possible for the pagan Romans (who remained a majority at that time) to convert to Christianity. The new religion went down a bit easier, knowing that their feasts would not be taken away from them. However, some experts believe it went the other way around. They say the early Christians were tempted by the partying and feasting, so the Christian leaders quickly decided to give the holiday a Christian reasoning so as not to lose their followers. 2. What are the true origins of Easter? Easter is the second major holiday in the Christian liturgical year. According to the New Testament, Jesus rose from the dead 3 days after his crucifixion. Easter Day is the celebration of his resurrection, also called Resurrection Sunday. Prior to Easter Day come a 40 day period called Lent. This is a time for fasting, praying and penance. The last week of Lent is called Holy week and it contains Good Friday, which honors the crucifixion of Christ. After Resurrection Sunday comes a 50 day period called Eastertide, ending with Pentecost Sunday. This is a time for rejoicing and growth. Easter is not fixed in the civil calendar because it is a lunar holiday. Easter Sunday occurs on the first Sunday after the full moon proceeding the vernal (spring) equinox, which occurs on March 21. Easter customs and symbols include a large feast (with ham as the main course), a sunrise worship service, egg hunting and decorating, hot cross buns, flowers, the Easter bunny and outdoor activities. The thing is, none of the customs and symbols, or even the name of this holiday, has anything to do with Christianity. The word Easter is actually the name of the pagan goddess of fertility, also named Ostare, Oestre, Ostara, Ishtar, Ashtoreth, and Asthart in different cultures. Many pagan cultures held vernal festivals in honor of this goddess, celebrating the arrival of spring and the awakening of life. The oldest of these festivals was held in ancient Babylon, Phrygia (modern day Turkey), Canaan and Phoenicia. The Phoenicians were a civilization of traders who brought the Easter customs to Greece, Rome and the northern countries of Great Britain. The legend of this spring festival begins with Nimrod. Nimrod is, according to the book of Genesis the son of Cush, grandson of Ham and great grandson of Noah. Nimrod was a powerful leader who formed the first empire in the world, Babylon, by conquering the â€Å"Land of the Seven Cities† (the Persian gulf). In his rule he made the people rebel against God and join in his own mystery religion, in which he figured prominently. When Nimrod eventually died, his mystery religion continued on. His wife Queen Semiramis saw to that. Once he was dead, she deified him as the Sun-god. In various cultures he later became known as Baal, the Great Life Giver, the god of fire, Baalim, Bel, Molech, etc. Queen Semiramis continued developing her mystery religion. She set herself as a goddess as well, proclaiming to have hatched from an egg that fell down from the moon on the first full moon after the spring equinox (she taught that the moon went through a 28 day cycle and ovulated when full). She became known as the goddess of fertility and the moon, mother of all life. She later became known as Ishtar, or Easter. Semiramis soon became pregnant, claiming that is the rays of the sun god Baal which caused her to conceive. She gave birth to Tammuz, who was the supposed savior, the son of God. Tammuz was a hunter, and was one day killed by a wild boar. He was sent to the underworld, but through his mother’s weeping he was resurrected and allowed to ascend to be with his father Baal. Another version tells that Semiramis (or Ishtar) was so grief stricken that she followed Tammuz to the underworld. With her gone, the world became a cold and barren place. Ea, the Babylonian God of water and wisdom, sprinkled them both with the water of life, allowing them to return to the world for 6 months of the year. The remaining part of the year Tammuz was to return to the underworld, causing Ishtar to follow him and the cycle to continue. This is how the people explained to themselves the miracle of spring that happened every year. Each year a spring festival was held to celebrate Tammuz’s resurrection from the underworld on the first Sunday after the full moon of the spring equinox, Ishtar Sunday. All of the common Easter traditions originate from this belief. Ham was to be eaten as a reminder of Tammuz’s death. The sunrise worship service is a common pagan practice honoring the Sun God. The egg is probably the oldest symbol of fertility and new life in pagan worship. Then there is the story of Ishtar’s hatching from the moon egg, known as the Ishatr, or Easter egg. The hare too, is an old fertility symbol, due to its rapid rate of reproduction. The story of the Easter bunny brings us back to Ishtar, or Ostara as she was called in northern Europe. The Goddes Ostara arrived late from the underworld one spring and found a little bird whose wings had frozen from the snow. Full of pity for the creature she made him her pet and turned him into a snow white hare (which would then become her symbol). She also gave him the gift of being able to run with incredible speed. In remembrance of his earlier form as abird, the hare had the ability to lay eggs, which were rainbow colored, but only on one day of the year (guess which?). The Hare eventually managed to annoy the goddess, and she put in the sky as the constellation Lepus (the hare). He was allowed to return to the earth once each year on Easter Sunday to lay his eggs. It became an Easter tradition to seek out the Easter hare’s rainbow colored eggs. Also, in Celtic culture, it was forbidden to eat hare meat except on Beltane (the 1st of May) when a ceremonial hare hunt was held (Beltane is the Celtic name for Easter – Bel meaning the same as Baal). The hare remains a symbol of luck and fertility even today. The Act of fasting in preparation for a great occasion can be found in many lands. The Babylonians and their neighbors fasted for 40 days in preparation for the annual celebration of Tammuz’s resurrection. This is probably the direct source of the Christian Lent, but a pennence period like this can be found in many other societies as well. Pagans in Mexico and the Andes mountains practiced a 40 day fast in honor of the sun around this time of year. The Egyptians fasted for 40 days to honor Adonis and Osiris. The lighting of fires was also a common pagan ritual. Fire was the symbol of Baal and the fires were used in ceremonies and even for human sacrifices. The New Testament says nothing about sunrise ceremonies, lent, colored eggs or bunnies. These are all classic examples of Christianization. The Christian leaders wanted to convert the pagans to Christianity, so they decided to adopt their rituals and give them Christian significance in order to make the transition easier. But perhaps there is another, more primitive reason. People enjoy celebrations and festivities, and do not care for the most part who or what the celebration honors. The pagans probably did not care what name was given to their festival, as long as they could continue feasting and rejoicing. 3. What are the true origins of Halloween? The name Halloween is actually a Scottish shortening of the name â€Å"All Hallows Evening† or â€Å"All Hallows Eve†. It is celebrated on October 31st and it is so named because it comes before All Saints Day (or All Hallows day) which occurs on the first of November. According to Christian tradition, the souls of dead roam the earth until All Saints Day, when the prayers of the people free them from purgatory and allow them to reach heaven. Halloween is the last night the dead spend on earth and their last chance of gaining vengeance on their enemies before moving on to the next life. To avoid being recognized by a soul, Christians would wear masks and costumes to disguise themselves. This is where the custom of dressing up and â€Å"trick or treating† came from. More traditions of Halloween include costume parties, carving jack-o’-lanterns, lighting bonfires, apple bobbing, visiting haunted attractions and playing pranks. In these traditions we can see the pagan origins of Halloween crystal clear. The Celts of Northern Europe celebrated their New Year on the evening of October 31st and the first of November (the Celts followed a lunar calendar and their days began at sunset). This holiday was named â€Å"Samhain† in Ireland, Galan Gaeaf in Wales and Allantide in Cornwall, and is Celtic for â€Å"summer’s end†. They believed that the New Year starts with the death of the sun god in winter. It was also believed that the veils of the world were thinnest as the old year waned into the new and that troublesome spirits, ghosts of the dead, fairies, and demons were free to roam about, scaring people and damaging crops. Traditionally, Samhain was time to take stock of the herds and grain supplies, and decide which animals would need to be slaughtered in order for the people and livestock to survive the winter. The reason for this was that the meat could keep since the cold months have come and also since summer grass is gone and free foraging is no longer possible . Large fires played a large part in the festivities. They were called Bonfires because the bones of the slaughtered cattle were thrown in as sacrifices to the sun and spirits. Often two bonfires would be built side by side, and the people would walk between the fires as a ritual of purification. The druids (celtic priests) performed ceremonies around these fires including divination concerning marriage, luck, health and death. Since the barrier to the otherworld was so thin this was the best time for these rites. Each family in the village would extinguish the fire in their home, and then relight their hearth from the common flame. This ritual was said to bond the village together and protect each family from the spirits roaming about. More attempts to ward off spirits included wearing costumes and masks and carving candle lanterns from turnips. Large turnips were hollowed out, carved with face and placed in windows. Samhain was also a night of mischief and confusion. The spirits were impersonated by young men with masked, veiled or blackened faces, dressed in white or disguises of straw. These young men would go from house to house â€Å"trick or treating† as a form of bribery. The family would give the â€Å"spirits† fruits or nuts to keep them from damaging their crops. Mischievous pranks were played on the ungenerous including moving farm equipment and livestock and bombarding their houses with cabbages pulled at random from gardens. Other than these young men people usually preferred to stay indoors on Samhain night. During the Roman rule in Britain (43-410 AD) aspects of Roman religion were incorporated into Samhain. Candied apples and bobbing for apples became associated with this holiday because of Pomona, the Roman goddess of fruit trees and gardens, whose symbol was the apple. Traditions often involve fruit centerpieces and decorations. Furthermore, the Romans observed the holiday of Feralia, intended to give rest and peace to the departed. Sacrifices were made in honor of the dead and prayers were offered as well. The jack – o – lantern is perhaps the most famous Halloween symbol. It is named after the phenomenon of strange light flickering over peat bogs, also known as will –o –the wisp, representing the scary spirits roaming about. Furthermore, the Celtic folklore tells about a fellow named Stingy Jack, a thief that managed to trick and trap the devil. In order to be set free, the devil had to promise never to takes Jack’s soul. When the day came and Jack died, he wasn’t allowed to enter Heaven because of all the bad deeds he had committed in his life. He was sent to Hell, but the Devil kept his promise and wouldn’t take Jack in. Jack was condemned to roam the earth with only a burning ember in a turnip lamp to light his way. This is where the tradition of carving vegetable lamps came from. When the first English immigrants came to North America they traded the turnip for the larger native pumpkin, which was larger and readily available. This pumpkin lantern is the jack- o –lantern known to us today. Another important holiday honoring the dead belonged to the ancient Aztecs. It was named â€Å"The Day of The Dead† (El Dà ­a de los Muertos) and is still celebrated in Mexico, South America and around the world. Originally it fell on the ninth month of the Aztec calendar, symbolizing the nine stops the dead must pass on their way to heaven, and was celebrated for an entire month. Sacrifices were made to the lady of the dead, Mictecacihuatl. Today, â€Å"The Day of The Dead† is celebrated on the 1-2 of November, probably due to the Catholic Spanish conquering which led to the merge of the Day of The Dead with All Saints Day. Traditions of this holiday include a family meal with emphasis on remembering deceased family members, decorating graves and family altars, and prayer. These are the basic traditions, but in different cultures activities may vary, from kite-flying in Guatemala to skull decorating in Bolivia. The essence of this day is celebrating the lives of those who are gone and helping them on their way. The early Christians also had a day celebrating the remembrance of all the church’s martyrs. It was established by Pope Boniface the 4th and was set on May 13. Later, it was Pope Gregory the 3rd that changed the date to November 1st, and renamed it â€Å"All Saints day†, so it would correspond with the existing pagan holidays. Christianity continued to spread throughout the world, and pagan holidays were either Christianized or forgotten. Samhain and The Day of The Dead were absorbed into Halloween. Their traditions and rituals were preserved and incorporated into the new holiday, but their names were omitted. However, now, despite all of the Christian efforts, people essentially enjoy the aspects of the holiday that derive from pagan origins. The Halloween celebrated by the great majority of people today is just a fun holiday, and has lost its religious signifance for most people. Conclusion To summarize everything, I believe it can be safely said that Christian holidays rarely mean and originate where they seemed to at first. Christianization can be found throughout history in many different cultures and aspects, from major holidays to minor superstitions. Celebrations of the winter solstice were common around the world, and Christmas was just the latest addition. The early Christians merely replaced the birth of the sun with the birth of the son, but kept the rituals and traditions of the pagan festivals. The Easter holiday even managed to keep its pagan name. The festival of the earth’s rebirth is recycled today as the day honoring the resurrection of Jesus, and celebrated in the same way the Babylonians did 3000 years ago. Even Halloween is just a pagan holiday dipped in holy water. It’s as pagan as you can get, honoring ghosts, spirits and the like, but it got Christianized nonetheless. In my personal opinion, there is nothing religious about these holidays anymore. They merely represent how far ideas can travel when you take advantage of human nature. The early Christians understood that people are just simple beings who like to have a good time, and don’t really care in whose honor. Christianization was a smart idea, but I believe it breaks a few copyright laws. Working on this project I improved my research and writing skills, and also my time management. If I had been given the chance I would have written more about the Christianization of sacred places, like the pantheon and Celtic sacred groves. All in all, I learned a lot during the entire process and am satisfied with the result.    Bibliography Websites 1. http://www.nvcc.edu/home/lshulman/rel232/resource/RileyPaper.htm 2. http://www.pocm.info 3. http://searchforbibletruths.blogspot.com/2011/04/easter-origins-traditions-and-customs.html 4. http://www.thercg.org/books/ttooe.html 5. http://www.lasttrumpetministries.org/tracts/tract1.html 6. http://www.goddessgift.com/Pandora’s_Box/Easter-history.htm 7. http://www.essortment.com/christmas-pagan-origins-42543.html 8. http://www.wikipedia.org 9. http://www.simpletoremember.com/vitals/Christmas_TheRealStory.htm 10. http://www.goodnewsaboutgod.com/studies/holidays2.htm 11. http://christmas-celebrations.org/ 12. http://www.near-death.com/experiences/origen048.html 13. http://www.frontline-apologetics.com/Mithras.html 14. http://ldolphin.org/semir.html 15. http://www.sccs.swarthmore.edu/users/08/ajb/tmve/wiki100k/docs/Ninus.html 16. http://www.christiananswers.net/q-eden/edn-t020.html 17. http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/05224d.htm 18. http://www.goodnewsaboutgod.com/studies/holidays2.htm 19. https://pantherfile.uwm.edu/barnold/www/lectures/holloween.html 20. http://spanish.about.com/cs/culture/a/dayofdead.htm 21. http://www.traditioninaction.org/religious/e008rp_Halloween.htm 22. http://landscaping.about.com/cs/landscapecolor/a/halloweenOrigin.htm 23. http://www.allaboutpopularissues.org/origin-of-halloween.htm 24. http://inventors.about.com/od/sstartinventions/a/Samhain.htm 25. http://www.etsu.edu/writing/adcomp_f06/students/halloween.htm 26. http://www.cbn.com/spirituallife/onlinediscipleship/halloween/halloween_Pagan_Ankerberg.aspx 27. http://www.albee.org/halloween/history.htm Articles 1. Julia A. Gengenbach, â€Å"Is Christmas Christian†, Prism University of Wisonsin- Eau Claire Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, 2002 2. Prof. Bettina Arnold, â€Å"Halloween Customs in the Celtic World†, Center of Celtic Studies, Department of Anthropology, University of Wisconsin- Milwaukee, 2001 3. Donna-Lynn Riley, â€Å"Christian Feast Days and their Relationship to Pagan Holidays† , Introduction to World Religions, 2003